How to invest in sunken treasure; Salvage stocks offer high returns, but big RISK

How to invest in sunken treasure; Salvage stocks offer high returns, but big
risk
National Post
Thursday, May 31, 2007
Page: FP8
Section: Financial Post Investing
Byline: Peter Hodson
Column: View from the Street
Source: Financial Post
One of the side effects of being a portfolio manager is that you are constantly on the lookout for new investment
opportunities. At the mall, I look at which stores have the most customers; in crowds, I look for signs the new
Blackberry is being adopted; in restaurants, I watch for signs of creeping inflation due to labour costs and raw
materials shortages; at the movies, I wonder about sunken treasure.
As Pirates of the Caribbean: At World’s End steamrolled across North America last week, I found myself
considering the investment opportunities that might be connected to the movie.
The obvious link is the Walt Disney Co., the owner of the flick. Or perhaps Cineplex Galaxy Income Fund, which
stood to profit from my overpriced popcorn. Disney (DIS/NYSE) is up 5% year-to-date; Cineplex (CGXu/TSX) is up
31% in 2007 — not bad returns, but not quite close to finding a treasure chest of gold.
Turns out that 2007 has been a pretty decent year for sunken treasure seekers, both stock market and otherwise.
Case in point, Odyssey Marine Exploration Inc. (OMR/AMEX), a $312.8-million company. OMR specializes in
shipwreck search, recovery and marketing. The stock has surged 135% this year.
On May 18, OMR announced it had recovered the biggest collection of silver and gold coins ever salvaged from a
shipwreck. Code-named “Black Swan,” the company has not disclosed the identity of the shipwreck, nor divulged
its exact location. Believed to be a colonial-era shipwreck near the English Channel, Odyssey says it discovered
the wreck in conformity with salvage law and the Law of the Sea Convention, beyond the territorial waters or legal
jurisdiction of any country.
OMR says it has recovered more than 500,000 coins from the shipwreck, and some media speculation has put the
value of the discovery at more than $500- million. Considering the smaller size of the company in relation to that
figure, it is no wonder why the stock has soared.
But there are a few cautionary notes: First, while OMR acknowledges the number of coins, their value cannot be
accurately determined yet. In addition, a discovery of that many coins would likely drive coin prices down if all
were offered for sale.
Clearly, though, the discovery is significant, and massive. Like any significant resource discovery, I would expect
now that all sorts of players will come out of the woodwork claiming the discovery is theirs and not Odyssey’s.
Of course, no analyst bothers to follow the company, but Fortress Investment Group owns 10% of the company.
There is even a Pirates of the Caribbean connection: OMR has confirmed it is in discussions with Disney on a
number of projects.
Another shipwreck company whose shares, at least, have struck gold this year is Sovereign Exploration
Associates International Inc. (SVXA/OTC). This company, with a $15-million market cap), is in my opinion a lot
riskier. Still, Sovereign’s stock has soared 104% this year, despite the company still being unprofitable. SVXA is
searching for the Fantome Fleet — specifically the HMS Fantome, a British Navy brig sunk off the coast of Nova
Scotia in 1814.
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The HMS Fantome is believed to have been carrying coins and artifacts looted from what later became the White
House and the U.S. Treasury when the British burned the U.S. capitol in 1814.
It sunk 30 km southwest of Halifax. As might be expected from such an historic wreck, the salvage operation is in
dispute from numerous parties, with England claiming ownership. As such, Sovereign Exploration in 2007 plans to
explore for two different ships. The company claims one, which sunk in the 1700s, carried $100-million worth of
silver.
Canada, too, has had some companies searching for underwater treasure. However, from a stock-market
perspective, your investment would have, effectively, walked the plank.
Visa Gold Exploration was the most notable Canadian shipwreck exploration company. It was salvaging a
brigantine vessel called the Palemon, which ran aground off Cuba in 1839. Visa enjoyed some stock-market
success, and in its exploration efforts was successful in bringing up artifacts from the Palemon. However, unlike
Odyssey, its treasure wasn’t all that exciting. The company, in one press release in June, 2001, praised the finding
of an “ancient olive oil jar, completely intact” — not exactly the stuff of pirate legends. Visa collapsed amid an
insider trading scandal in 2005 and has delisted.
Perhaps the most successful and stable salvage company is Premier Exhibitions Inc. (PRXI/ NASDAQ), formerly
RMS Titanic Inc. A U.S. federal Court granted Premier salvor-in-possession rights to the wreck of the Titanic in
1994. After conducting numerous expeditions recovering 6,000 artifacts from the ship, it went on city tours to
display them to the public. It then parlayed this success into other exhibitions, most notably the BODIES
exhibition, featuring whole and partial human body displays.
Premier, a US$408.4-million company, is profitable, with forecasted earnings of US68¢ per share this year. Its
stock is up 117% in 2007 year and up close to 150% over the past 52 weeks. Still, it’s unlikely to do much future
shipwreck salvage work, seemingly preferring above-water cash-paying customers to chasing high risk dreams of
underwater riches.
peter@sprott.com
- - -
- Peter Hodson is a senior portfolio manager at Sprott Asset Management. He, his firm or its clients may hold
positions in the securities mentioned.
Illustration:
• Black & White Photo: Neil Dobson, AFP, Getty Images / Odyssey Marine Exploration’s remotely operated vehicle is hoisted from the
seabed after recovering coins from a Colonial period shipwreck. Odyssey says it has recovered more than 500,000 coins from the wreck,
but columnist Peter Hodson says their value can’t yet be determined, and he expects all sorts of players will come out of the woodwork
and claim the discovery is theirs.
• Chart/Graph: FPInfomart, National Post / ODYSSEY MARINE EXPLORATION.
Idnumber: 200705310044
Edition: National
Story Type: Business; Column
Length: 886 words
Keywords: HISTORIC SHIPS; SALVAGE; STOCKS
Illustration Type: P C
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THE HISTORIC SHIPWRECK AUSTRALIAN: A PLAN OF MANAGENT

ISSN 1444-8939 PRINT
ISSN 1447-1981 ONLINE
MAGNT RESEARCH REPORT No. 9
March, 2001
THE HISTORIC SHIPWRECK AUSTRALIAN:
A PLAN OF MANAGEMENT
DAVID STEINBERG
Museums and Art Galleries of the Northern Territory

MAGNT RESEARCH REPORT No. 9, April 2001
THE HISTORIC SHIPWRECK
AUSTRALIAN: A PLAN OF
MANAGEMENT
DAVID STEINBERG
No part of this unpublished report may be reproduced without the written
permission of the Director, Museums and Art Galleries of the Northern Territory
DAVID STEINBERG
2
The Museums and Art Galleries of the Northern Territory Research Report
series is a medium for the dissemination of the results of research undertaken
by MAGNT staff in the fields of Natural Sciences, History and Culture. All
contributions are reviewed internally by staff of the MAGNT.
First printed 20 April, 2001
ISSN 1444-8939 Print
ISSN 1447-1981 Online
© 2001 Museums and Art Galleries of the Northern Territory. No part of this unpublished
report may be reproduced without the written permission of the Director, Museums and Art
Galleries of the Northern Territory.
THE HISTORIC SHIPWRECK AUSTRALIAN — PLAN OF MANAGEMENT
3
THE HISTORIC SHIPWRECK AUSTRALIAN:
A PLAN OF MANAGEMENT
DAVID STEINBERG
Museum and Art Gallery of the Northern Territory
PO Box 4646, Darwin NT 0801, AUSTRALIA
PREFACE
This report is the culmination of an extensive review process in which a series of three
draft reports were produced. A first draft of this report was circulated to government
agencies and colleagues for review in June 1998. In May and August, 1999, second and
third drafts were released for public comment.
Feedback received from government agencies and public groups focused on
recommendations relating to site protection and public access. Each successive draft was
produced with a consideration of those comments. This was done whilst maintaining an
adherence to fundamental heritage management principles.
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
The history of the shipwreck (including salvage and site visitation)
The Australian was a two masted steel steamship built in 1896 by Robert Napier and Sons
of Glasgow, Scotland. It was owned and operated by the Eastern and Australian Steamship
Company (E&A) as a passenger and cargo vessel. The Australian was worked by
Australian officers and a Chinese crew.
The Australian continuously traversed an extensive circular route which included
Adelaide, ports along the east coast of Australia, Palmerston (referred to as Darwin
following the Commonwealth takeover in 1911) and finally ports in the Indonesian
archipelago and the China Sea. The general route was established, individual ports
changing due to shifting management policies and work relating to each individual voyage.
On 17 November 1906, whilst making way to Palmerston from eastern ports, the
Australian struck Vashon Head reef. An official inquiry concluded that the accident
occurred due to a combination of unusual tidal flow and the lack of navigational beacons in
the region.
For two years following the accident there was a series of salvage operations and
unsuccessful refloating attempts. A public auction of the ship’s internal fittings took place
in August 1908. In the 1970s, the site was visited by a number of salvors, who, amongst
other activities, were responsible for using explosives on the site to remove the condenser
of the engine. In 1990 Operation Raleigh, a British-based volunteer organisation, visited
the site. In 1996 the MAGNT visited the site as part of a regional maritime archaeology
DAVID STEINBERG
4
survey. In this season the museum staff completed a site plan. In 1997, as part of this
project, the site was again visited and a more extensive survey conducted.
Design of the Australian
The Australian had a gross tonnage of 2838 tons; length of 341.7 feet (104.15 m) and a
breadth of 42.2 feet (12.86 m).
The steel body of the Australian was an advance on iron made hulls, steel being a lighter
and stronger material The triple expansion engine became the dominant steam engine
favoured for its fuel efficiency and performance. The coal burning steel boilers allowed
higher levels of pressure, which translated into a higher power output. The simple schooner
rig of the steamer more likely served as a stabilising feature and emergency propulsion in
times of engine failure. The refrigeration engines were ‘compressed air’ in design, a style
that preceded the ‘ammonia’ and ‘carbonic anhydride’ types. Though without accurate
temperature regulation, the ‘compressed air’ design was less toxic than later systems.
The Catterthun and the Brisbane steamship wrecks are useful as a technical comparison
with the Australian, in order to illustrate various options in design, and indicate evolution
in design. For example, the power output of the Australian far exceeded that of the
Catterthun and the Brisbane due to the advent of steel boilers.
Site description
The remains of the ship are best understood as consisting of three main sections. These are
the bow, the midship-section which rests on the remains of the ship floor and the upright
stern counter. Small amounts of debris are located at short distances from this main body
of material, however in general these three sections constitute the shipwreck. The
wreckage is approximately 110 metres in length and lies in 5-8 metres of water depending
on tidal variation.
The superstructure of the vessel has been removed by natural forces. The most noticeable
features of the site are the bow, stern section, the boilers and machinery. The machinery
includes a windlass, winches, a triple expansion engine, a dynamo and twin refrigeration
units. In addition to machinery lower deck construction features are visible, for example
remains of the cellular double bottom. Other visible site features include a clipper bow,
bowsprit and anchor.
The description of the shipwreck site within this document includes a review of the ship
break-up sequence which documents the major changes the ship underwent from its
stranding to the present. This includes the refloating in 1907 and the eventual separation of
the bow and stern from the midship section.
Site location
The Australian is located approximately 220 km NE from Darwin, off the coast of the
Cobourg Peninsula. Cobourg Peninsula is a large peninsula of land, approximately 2207
km², and is the most northern region of Arnhem Land. The shipwreck site is located on
Vashon Head reef, Vashon Head being a small point of land marking the western entrance
to Port Essington.
The Northern Territory experiences two major seasons, a Wet and a Dry season, each
following a brief equinoctial episode. The Wet season (November-April) is associated with
THE HISTORIC SHIPWRECK AUSTRALIAN — PLAN OF MANAGEMENT
5
high rainfall and cyclonic winds. During this time the winds can change from calm
conditions to squalls and cyclonic depressions. Considering these weather conditions the
most appropriate time for fieldwork is at the end of the Dry season (May-October), when
the conditions are calmest. The sea and swell at Cobourg Peninsula is low to moderate
throughout the year, but the area experiences a large tidal range.
Statement of the shipwreck’s significance
The Australian is historically significant because of its role in facilitating coastal trade
between Palmerston and other ports in Australia and in facilitating early international trade
between Australia and Asia.
The Australian is also historically significant because it was used as a vessel for Chinese
immigration and was worked by a Chinese crew. Therefore the history of this steamer
contributes to our understanding of the history of Australian immigration and Chinese
labour at a time of national debate over non-European immigration and non-European
labour.
The Australian is the most intact wreck of a steamer located in the Northern Territory and
can offer a great deal of archaeological information regarding ship construction and
machinery as found on late 19th century steamers. The variety of machinery and ship
construction remains, which are in good condition, deem this shipwreck as representative
of a class of steamer. Evidence of early salvage and refloating will offer a further level of
archaeological data.
The remains of the refrigeration machinery (used in cold cargo storage) demonstrates a
technology that markedly changed Australia’s export market and most noticeably changed
Australia’s economic relationship with Britain.
The Australian is protected under the Commonwealth’s Historic Shipwrecks Act.
Management plan – the recommendations
Though the superstructure and a large portion of the hull is absent, what does remain
constitutes a shipwreck of technical and archaeological significance. This determined that a
management plan with a strong focus on protection and conservation was needed.
Funds to manage the site are limited. Therefore realistic recommendations have been
developed with this limitation in mind.
Recommendation 1: that an environmental assessment of the Australian be conducted in
the near future. This should include an in situ corrosion study. From these results it will
then be possible to develop a conservation program that takes a range of variables into
account. The CMPPM should stipulate the need for a conservation program and offer
partial logistic and/or financial support.
Recommendation 2: that following an environmental assessment a conservation strategy
be designed and implemented. The CMPPM should stipulate the need for a conservation
program and offer partial logistic and/or financial support.
Recommendation 3: that MAGNT and the NT Parks and Wildlife Commission instigate an
ongoing site monitoring program to monitor changes in the site over time. The CMPPM
should stipulate the need for this program as part of its commitment towards a conservation
program.
DAVID STEINBERG
6
Recommendation 4: that select rangers from the NT Parks and Wildlife Commission who
work at Gurig National Park, be trained as inspectors under the Historic Shipwrecks Act.
The CMPPM should indicate approval of this proposal.
Recommendation 5: that the MAGNT and the NT Parks and Wildlife Commission
establish a visitor registration system to collect information on site visitation as part of the
visitor monitoring program for the CMP. This should be reflected in the CMPPM.
Recommendation 6: that anchoring directly onto the shipwreck be prohibited as a
provision of the CMPPM . This restriction should include using the bow or stern as a
mooring fixture, when these features are exposed at low tide.
Recommendation 7: that certain items be recovered as they may be stolen. These are the
ceramic tiles, the remains of the bone cargo and the brass padlock.
Recommendation 8: that fishing that does not involve anchoring on the site be permitted.
Therefore trolling and drifting should continue to be permitted.
Recommendation 9: that an education package be made available at the Black Point ranger
station.
Recommendation 10: that information be placed at the boat launch and jetty at Black
Point. This will indicate that it is illegal to interfere with, damage or remove an historic
shipwreck or related items. This should also include information regarding the prohibition
of anchoring on the site. This recommendation should be reflected in the CMPPM.
Recommendation 11: that the brochure on the shipwreck be widely distributed, and in
particular made avaliable to visitors at the Black Point Ranger Station. This should be
reflected in the CMPPM
Recommendation 12: that there be a consistent inclusion of information about the
shipwreck in publicity and publications dealing with the recreational and historic resources
of Gurig National Park and the CMP. This should be reflected in the CMPPM.
Recommendation 13: that further non-disturbance survey work be conducted to increase
overall knowledge of the site. Particular attention may focus on the midship area.
Recommendation 14: that the machinery and important aspects of ship construction be
recorded in greater detail. Aspects of ship construction include the propeller housing,
cellular double bottom and the clipper bow.
Recommendation 15: that further survey work include the search for evidence of salvage
and refloating repairs.
Recommendation 16: that a small excavation in the stern section be conducted to reveal
how the propeller was removed during salvage.
Recommendation 17: that a probe survey east of the exposed material be conducted to
indicate the extent of buried material.
Recommendation 18: that a detailed comparison between the technology and archaeology
of the Australian to similar steamer wrecks be conducted.
Recommendation 19: that records relating to the Australian, whilst it was at ports other
than Darwin, be collected. This may include customs and port authority documentation
from outside of Australia.
THE HISTORIC SHIPWRECK AUSTRALIAN — PLAN OF MANAGEMENT
7
Recommendation 20: that the experiences of ethnic or foreign crews on early Australian
steamers be investigated, using the Australian as one example. The Australian had a
Chinese crew, visited Asian ports and brought Chinese immigrants to Australia, all during
a time of national debate over non-European immigration and non-European labour.
Recommendation 21: that research into the natural significance of this site be encouraged
by both the MAGNT and the NT Parks and Wildlife Commission. One example of this
kind of work is a marine biological survey of the site. This recommendation should be
reflected in the CMPPM.
Administrative strategy
This report contains an administrative strategy. In brief the administrative strategy repeats
established policies and suggests objectives. An example of a policy relates to the authority
of the delegate of the Historic Shipwrecks Act in the management of the site. An example
of an objective is the inclusion of key site management recommendations in the CMPPM.
Cobourg Marine Park and Gurig National Park
This report contains a brief explanation of the history and present status of these parks. It
highlights some key areas in possible research in maritime archaeology within the
geography of the parks. The report also explains the reasoning behind the close
involvement of the Parks and Wildlife Commission in site management recommendations.
A guide for those departments participating in the management of the site
This report contains a practical guide for those government departments which may
become involved in the management of the Australian. It gives a practical review of the
Historic Shipwrecks Act. This report also includes a discussion on the Historic Shipwrecks
Program and a review of other relevant Territory and Commonwealth legislation.
Historic shipwrecks located in marine protected reserves
As the Australian is located within a marine park this chapter cites examples of other
historic shipwrecks protected under various marine park or marine reserve legislation.
The Yongala (1903-1911) is located in Queensland and is protected under both the Historic
Shipwrecks Act and the Great Barrier Reef Marine Park Act 1975 (Cwlth). Situated within
a Marine Park B zone it is illegal to damage or remove any cultural or natural material
from the site under the Great Barrier Reef Marine Park Act. The Clan Ranald (1900-1909)
is located in South Australia within the Troubridge Hill Aquatic Reserve which was
established under the Fisheries Act 1982 (SA.). The reserve was established to protect
benthic organisms. The removal of shell, sand or plant life is illegal, resulting in the
prohibition of dredging.
1997 fieldwork details
This section explains the aims and methodology of the fieldwork. The aim of the fieldwork
was to conduct a non-disturbance survey of the visible remains of the shipwreck. An
understanding of site formation and site deterioration was to be developed and key
environmental factors that effect material remains identified. Due to restrictions in time
and personnel the methodology of survey was simple and aimed for a broad impression of
the site with a limited degree of accuracy. The result therefore serves as a good beginning
to further more detailed survey work.
DAVID STEINBERG
8
This section also lists the dive team and details the boat and diving policies. It also lists
fish species observed on the site.
Historical and technical details of the Australian steamship
This section lists basic information on the ship’s history and design.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to thank those people who have contributed to this report.
Alan Withers, Libby Stirling, Rowan Marshall and Mark Ingram, from the NT Department
of Parks and Wildlife, who participated in the 1997 fieldwork. The ongoing support of the
rangers based at Black Point ranger station greatly contributed to the success of the
fieldwork. I would also like to thank the Department of Parks and Wildlife specifically for
their contribution of personnel, equipment and accommodation during the fieldwork.
Thanks also go to John Riley who participated in the fieldwork and contributed
significantly to the site survey and the development of a site plan; once again his expertise
in steam and iron shipwrecks proved invaluable.
Thanks also to Silvano Jung for his ongoing advice and for his assistance in graphic
design. Also thanks to Nova Graphics for its contribution to graphic design, and Barbara
Bowden, Lorna Gravener and Dirk Megirian for proof reading and assistance in
production.
I would also like to thank various individuals or organisations who contributed to this
project by providing valuable information or equipment: David Nutley and Tim Smith
from the NSW Heritage Office, Terry Arnott and Bill Jeffery from Heritage SA, Vivienne
Moran from the Queensland Museum, Mike Lawton from Power and Water (NT), Kirean
Hosty from the National Maritime Museum, the State Library of NSW and the National
Maritime Museum in Greenwich England.
Finally thanks to Paul Clark for his continuous support and advice, and to the staff of the
Museum and Art Gallery of the Northern Territory for their assistance and encouragement.
THE HISTORIC SHIPWRECK AUSTRALIAN — PLAN OF MANAGEMENT
9
CONTENTS
List of abbreviations………………………………………………………………………………………….. 12
Glossary of terms ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 12
Chapter 1: The role And scope of this plan ………………………………………………………….. 15
The history of the shipwreck; design of the Australian; site
description; site location; statement of the shipwreck’s significance;
the recommendations; administrative strategy; a guide for those
departments participating in the management of the site; historic
shipwrecks in marine protected areas; 1997 fieldwork details.
Chapter 2: The Australian - related histories ………………………………………………………… 16
Napier shipbuilders; the Eastern and Australian Steamship Company;
the working life of the Australian; stranding of the vessel and
consequent events; the Australian steamship in relation to the
developing maritime economy of Australia; a review of previous site
visitations.
Chapter 3: The design of the Australian steamship………………………………………………… 37
Introduction; overview; sails and rigging; the steamer’s structural
design; machinery and systems.
Chapter 4: The significance of design: a review of design features in relation to technical
invention of the period ………………………………………………………………………………………. 46
The significance of design; the Australian steamship, a technical
comparison with the Brisbane and the Catterthun.
Chapter 5: Site description and archaeological Information…………………………………….. 53
Site location and description of the area; site formation sequence; site
description; site deterioration; environmental conditions.
Chapter 6: Assessment of the site’s significance ……………………………………………………. 69
Preamble; historic significance; technical significance; social significance;
archaeological significance; scientific significance; interpretative
significance; rarity significance; representative significance; statement of
significance.
Chapter 7: Management policies and relevant issues……………………………………………… 73
Preamble; management of the Australian through provisions stipulated in the
marine park plan of management; the preservation of material remains;
DAVID STEINBERG
10
protective legislation; the impact of development; site identification for passing
traffic; visitation to the Australian; interpretation material on the Australian;
artefacts and records; research.
Chapter 8: Management recommendations - implementing policy …………………………….82
Preamble; the preservation of material remains from natural forces; the
preservation of material remains from human threats; interpretation; research.
Chapter 9: Administrative Strategy………………………………………………………………………85
Established policies; Objectives.
Chapter 10: Cobourg Marine Park and Gurig National Park …………………………………….86
Establishment of the parks; the archaeological resource of Cobourg Peninsula;
the reasoning behind the involvement of the Parks and Wildlife Commission in
site management.
References ……………………………………………………………………………………………………….88
Appendix 1: A Guide for departments participating in the management of the Australian
site………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….91
Appendix 2: A discussion on the Yongala and the Clan Ranald shipwrecks ………………..97
Appendix 3: 1997 field work details……………………………………………………………………..99
Appendix 4: Historical and technical details of the Australian…………………………………101
List of Figures
Fig. 1. Robert Napier ………………………………………………………………………………………….16
Fig. 2. David Napier …………………………………………………………………………………………..16
Fig. 3. The Persia at Napier shipyard, Govan, 1855…………………………………………………17
Fig. 4. The E&A flag. …………………………………………………………………………………………18
Fig. 5. The route of the Australian ……………………………………………………………………….23
Fig. 6. Operational Raleigh site sketch…………………………………………………………………..35
Fig. 7. MAGNT site sketch, 1995. ………………………………………………………………………..36
Fig. 8. The Australian…………………………………………………………………………………………37
Fig. 9. Sail plan of the Australian …………………………………………………………………………38
Fig. 10. Plan view of the Australian………………………………………………………………………39
Fig. 11.An example of cellular double bottom design……………………………………………….40
THE HISTORIC SHIPWRECK AUSTRALIAN — PLAN OF MANAGEMENT
11
Fig. 12. An example of a compound engine…………………………………………………………… 40
Fig. 13. An example of a double ended boiler ……………………………………………………….. 42
Fig. 14. The stern section of a similarly designed single screw steamship…………………… 42
Fig. 15. Diagram of a closed air refrigeration system………………………………………………. 43
Fig. 16. A steam driven winch…………………………………………………………………………….. 44
Fig. 17. A steam driven windlass…………………………………………………………………………. 44
Fig. 18. Bow of a steamship with davit structure to hold anchor……………………………….. 45
Fig. 19. The Black Prince…………………………………………………………………………………… 47
Fig. 20. The Great Britain………………………………………………………………………………….. 47
Fig. 23. Location of the site………………………………………………………………………………… 53
Fig. 22. Site formation sequence …………………………………………………………………………. 55
Fig. 23. Site plan of the Australian., 1997. ……………………………………………………………. 58
Fig. 24. The remains of the bow………………………………………………………………………….. 59
Fig. 25. The anchor in-situ …………………………………………………………………………………. 59
Fig. 26. The capstan and anchor crane in-situ, located at the bow. …………………………….. 60
Fig. 27. The forward winch in-situ ………………………………………………………………………. 61
Fig. 28. The port bilge keel in-situ……………………………………………………………………….. 62
Fig. 29. Frontal view of similar boilers, a general guide ………………………………………….. 63
Fig. 30. The low pressure cylinder section of the propulsion engine in-situ. ……………….. 64
Fig. 31. The high and intermediate pressure cylinders section of the propulsion engine in
situ ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 64
Fig. 32. The dynamo in-situ ……………………………………………………………………………….. 65
Fig. 33. A refrigeration unit in-situ………………………………………………………………………. 65
Fig. 34. Aerial photograph of the Australian; the bow, boilers and stern are visible ……… 78
Fig. 35. Visitors to the site, 1997…………………………………………………………………………. 78
Fig. 36. Seasonal visitation to Gurig National Park ………………………………………………… 79
Fig. 37. Annual visitation to Gurig National Park…………………………………………………… 79
List of Tables
Table 1. Wrecked E&A ships……………………………………………………………………………… 21
Table 2. Technical comparison: Australian, Catterthun and Brisbane steamships ……….. 51
DAVID STEINBERG
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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
AIMA Australian Institute for Maritime Archaeology
A.S.N Australasian Steam Navigation Company
B.I. British India Steam Navigation Company. Some authors refer to this
company as the British India Company.
CMP Cobourg Marine Park
CMPPM Cobourg Marine Park Plan of Management (draft). The CMPPM may
eventually be amalgamated with the Gurig National Park Plan of
Management (GNPPM). If this occurs recommendations in this report that
refer to the CMPPM would refer to the amalgamated version.
E&A Eastern and Australian Mail Steamship Company. In various references that
I used, this company was also referred to as the Eastern and Australian Mail
Steam Company. I have referred to the company by the name used during
the operational period of the Australian.
GBRMP Great Barrier Reef Marine Park
GNPPM Gurig National Park Plan of Management (draft).
HP High pressure (cylinder)
IHP Indicated horse power
IP Intermediate pressure (cylinder)
Knts Knots
LP Low pressure (cylinder)
MAGNT Museums and Art Gallery of the Northern Territory
nhp Nominal horse power
NTT&G Northern Territory Times and Gazette
N.T. Northern Territory of Australia
P&O Peninsular and Oriental Steam Navigation Company
PWCNT Parks and Wildlife Commission of the Northern Territory
psi Pounds per square inch
GLOSSARY OF TERMS
aft peak tank A water storage tank located at the extreme stern end of
the hold of a vessel.
anchor chain locker A trunk which stores the anchor chain or cable.
THE HISTORIC SHIPWRECK AUSTRALIAN — PLAN OF MANAGEMENT
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anchor crane A crane positioned on the fore-deck and used to raise and
lower the anchor between the deck and the hawse pipe.
bilge keel Fitted in pairs they sit on the outside of the bilge and
lessen the rolling of the ship.
boiler bearers The supportive rests that a boiler sits on.
bollard A deck fixture used for securing the boat to jetties etc. It is
a supportive frame with vertical spools.
Bowsprit The spar projecting from the bow of the ship.
bulkhead A partition between below-deck sections.
capstan A cylindrical barrel located in the fore-deck area. It is
driven mechanically and directs the chain of the anchor.
cellular double bottom A water ballast reservoir, positioned on top of the ship’s
floor, whose cannels are cellular in design.
compressed air refrigeration The air refrigeration system most likely used on the
Australian to transport chilled food.
condenser The section of the steam engine that condenses steam to
water.
derrick A mechanism for hauling cargo, in which a crane- like
system is secured on deck, in some cases supported by a
mast.
double-ended boiler A boiler with a separate furnace at each end. The design
was to increase power with an attempt to keep size
increase to a minimum.
dynamo A machine that converts energy to electricity.
fairleads A board with holes in it to allow rigging or line to run
through.
feed water filters The machinery that filters oil and other impurities from
the water that leaves the condenser to return to the boilers.
fore-deck The forward section of the deck.
forepeak tank A water storage tank located at the extreme fore-end of the
hold of the vessel.
gross tonnage The tonnage measurement which includes both the cargo
capcity and the ship’s dead weight (own weight).
gunwale The side of the hull which rises above the upper-deck.
hawse pipe and hawse hole The hawse hole is located in the bow area near the stem.
The anchor chain feeds into the ship through the hole. The
hawse pipe leads from the hole and supports the chain
from chaffing the internal fittings.
DAVID STEINBERG
14
life boat davits A life boat storage and access system where vertical poles
support a pulley system. The lifeboats are stored in a
upright position on the deck.
moulding lines- Distinctive structural lines that run horizontally yet follow
the curvature of the hull.
mizzen mast The rear mast
port Left side
propeller hub The hub or nut which holds the propeller blades in place.
sheerstrake plating Uppermost hull plating
stanchion A fixed upright support.
starboard Right side
stringer internal Supportive frames that are positioned horizontally along
the hull.
supportive stays Bars placed to give support and fix feature in position.
triple expansion engine A steam engine in which the steam is expanded in three
consecutive stages.
warping ends (winch) The round spools on a winch that feed the chain.
water-line theory John Riley’s theory that an iron ship that sinks upright on
sand will become buried in that sand to about the level of
its waterline.
winch Steam driven pulley machine used to haul cargo and deck
features
windlass A large winch used for heaving the anchors.
THE HISTORIC SHIPWRECK AUSTRALIAN — PLAN OF MANAGEMENT
15
CHAPTER 1: THE ROLE AND SCOPE OF THIS PLAN
The Australian is a shipwreck protected under the Commonwealth’s Historic Shipwrecks
Act 1976. It is located along the northern coastline of Cobourg Peninsula within the
Northern Territory.
The aim of this plan of management is to assess the significance of the shipwreck, to
investigate what the relevant issues are in relation to the management of the site and to put
forward a series of recommendations regarding its future management.
These recommendations have been reached via the following process:
(i) the collection of data
(ii) an assessment of the site and the development of a statement of significance
which codifies the position of MAGNT
(iii) a discussion of policies and issues relevant to the management of the site
(iv) development of the recommendations, based on the previous three stages.
It is important to note that each phase builds on information and reasoning gathered and
developed in previous phases.
Archaeological fieldwork and historical research was conducted to produce this
management plan. During this process the author became aware of further directions that
research could take. It was beyond the role and scope of this project to conduct this further
research, however these proposals are briefly discussed.
This plan includes additional chapters which will serve as a resource for government
departments that may be involved in the management program. This includes, for example,
a discussion of the Historic Shipwrecks Act. Therefore a secondary role of this plan is to
serve as an ongoing resource in the management of historic shipwrecks.
The implementation of a management program is subject to the resources available.
Management recommendations have been developed with these financial restrictions in
mind. In response, one strategy has been to support the ongoing participation of the NT
Parks and Wildlife Commission in the management of the shipwreck.
This management plan has been funded through a grant from the Commonwealth
Department of Communications and the Arts. The Historic Shipwrecks Program was
administrated by this Department until November 1998. Following this the program was
transferred to the Commonwealth Department for the Environment and Heritage.
The delegated authority of the Historic Shipwrecks Act in the Northern Territory is the
Director of the MAGNT.
DAVID STEINBERG
16
CHAPTER 2: THE AUSTRALIAN - RELATED HISTORIES
2.1. Napier Shipbuilders
The Australian was built by Robert Napier and Sons which was based in Glasgow,
Scotland. Robert Napier was referred to by many contemporaries as the ‘father’ of Scottish
engineering (Shields 1947: 42). Such praise was justified, as many important figures in the
development of marine steam engine technology in Britain had at some point worked and
trained under Napier.
Napier Engineers, eventually renamed Robert Napier and Sons, was founded by cousins
Robert and David Napier (Figs 1, 2). These men were born into a family legacy of iron
engineering. The fathers of both David and Robert were blacksmiths, David’s father also
being an iron founder. Robert’s brother James and his cousin William were engineers and
boiler makers. Thus David and Robert were, early in their lives, exposed to skills related to
steam and iron technologies.
Fig. 1. Robert Napier (Shields1947: 53) Fig. 2. David Napier (Shields 1947: 53)
David was the founding engineer of the company, whereas Robert was the more business
minded man. David built his first steamship, the Marion (57 tons), in 1816 (Shields 1947:
35). David left the company in 1836 to work in London (Shields 1947: 40). The notion of
Robert Napier being more the businessman than the engineer is supported by Shields, who
states that the capabilities of Robert as an engineer depended heavily on those who worked
for him (Shield 1947: 43).
Until 1843 Napier built only steam engines, working in conjunction with a ship builder.
But in this year, under the guidance of Napier’s chief engineer William Deny, Napier built
the Vanguard with a gross tonnage of 700 tons (Shields 1947: 47). The vessel was praised
by the critics, and orders for more vessels came in. Napier Engineers expanded. Napier’s
expansion included shipyards at Govan and Middleton. Interestingly the company also
purchased the Parkhead Forge giving Napier control over iron production. This was the
peak for Napier Engineering with orders coming from Russia, Turkey, France, India and
elsewhere (Shields 1947: 51). In 1853 Robert Napier’s sons joined the company, and the
title was changed to Napier and Sons (Shields 1947: 51).
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The distinctive clipper bow of the Persia was a trademark of Napier shipbuilding, an
aesthetic feature also found on the Australian (Fig. 3). Ironically the E&A became
remembered for operating a number of steamers with this feature. It is interesting to note
that, despite a consensus that a clipper bow on these steamer was an aesthetic feature only, a
clipper bow did save the Persia, allowing it to ride over an ice barrier (Hume 1975: 24-26).
Fig. 3. The Persia at Napier shipyard, Govan, 1855 (Hume 1975: 25)
Robert Napier died in June 1876, aged 86 years, and the management of the company was
handed to engineer A.C.Kirk. Kirk was the engineer to whom was attributed the design of
the first deep sea commercial steamer with a triple expansion engine, the Propontis, built
by Randolph Elder and Co. (Gardiner 1993: 107). Kirk was also an early pioneer in using
steel in ship construction, engineering the Paristian, the first steel steamer to cross the
Atlantic Ocean (Shields 1947: 51). The ability of steel boilers to produce higher levels of
pressure and so, in turn, capable of fully utilising compound steam engine technology was
an advantage early appreciated by Kirk and Elder.
However Kirk’s greatest success was the Aberdeen which was powered by a triple
expansion engine and was built in 1881 by Napier and Sons. The Aberdeen could produce
over 2600 IHP with steam at 125 psi (Gardiner 1993: 107). The true value behind the
design was the ability of the engine to utilise the available high pressure steam and
available exhausted steam efficiently, translating to ‘if the ship travelled at 13 knots in the
open ocean it would burn less than 40 tons of coal a day’(Gardiner 1993: 108).
The success of the Aberdeen helped convince other ship owners that this kind of engine
design was the next step from two stage compound steam engines. In 1883 Napier built
two Kirk designed engines for the steamers Oaxaca and the Tamaulipas, the largest
steamers of their time, each with a 60 inch stroke and a working pressure of 135 psi
(Gardiner 1993: 109).
The Australian, being built in 1896, came after the peak of Napier and Sons. However, the
role of Napier in early steam ship innovation should not be undervalued. Napier was an
early steam ship engineering company that favoured innovation and creativity and so
contributed significantly to a dynamic period of technological development and ship
construction.
DAVID STEINBERG
18
2.2. The Eastern and Australian Steamship Company
Introduction. E&A was a small British-owned shipping company that contributed to the
development of international trade between Australia and Asia and coastal trade between
Palmerston (Darwin) and other Australian ports. Based in Sydney, the small fleet of
steamers travelled extensively, operating in new territories and working in unestablished
trade. The E&A fleet transported passengers and cargo across a route that spanned along
the southern, eastern and northern coasts of Australia and through Asia. The fleet also
brought Chinese immigrants to Australia.
Fig. 4. The E&A flag. (Olson 1976: 110)
The E&A was created in 1873 to service a contract advertised by the Queensland
Government. The contract involved short cutting the standing mail service from Britain to
Australia, ensuring that Queenslanders received their mail more regularly. This contract
was short lived however the company managed to always subsidise its costs by gaining
mail carrier government subsidies throughout its existence. The company went through
three liquidated forms, eventually becoming absorbed into the B.I. a subsidiary of P&O,
immediately following the first World War (Laxon 1963: 8).
The Queensland mail contract, the Torres Strait route and trade with Asia. The P & O held
a long standing contract to work the mail service from Britain and Europe to Australia.
From Ceylon (Sri Lanka) the service reached Albany, Port Adelaide, Melbourne and
Sydney (Olson 1976: 3). The company first offered this service in 1853, failed a year later
but reinstated a service in 1858 (Bach 1967: 110, 147). The earlier route required overland
passage at the Suez, linking the Mediterranean Sea and the Indian Ocean. The creation of
the Suez Canal in 1869 eliminated the need for an overland route however P&O were only
permitted to transport mail through this canal in 1874 (Bach 1976: 148).
These steamers would sail from Britain, through the Suez Canal, and hug the coast of India
to Ceylon. From Ceylon the steamers continued down the west coast of Australia, along
the southern coast, and then north travelling up the east coast. Queensland would
experience delays from up to a month from when the mail steamers reached Albany to
when they finally reached Queensland (Olson 1976: 3). The colony of Queensland decided
to establish a more regular mail service for itself. Its government had also recognised the
trade opportunities inherent with a short route to Asia, this recognition shown in the 1860s
when the colony entered into a short-lived funding venture with the Netherlands
government to offer subsidies to Dutch shipping companies (Campo 1991: 1). Thus the
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Queensland government offered a subsidy for a service to pick up mail at Singapore, from
P&O steamers, make way through the Indonesian archipelago and the Torres Strait,
reaching the north coast of Queensland. The ‘Torres Strait route’ to north-east Australia had
been a discussion point amongst politicians and businessmen of the colony since the 1840s
(Nicholson 1996: 225).
The itinerary for this route was assigned as part of the terms of the mail contract. The
designated ports of call were: Singapore, Batavia, Sourabya, Somerset (a British post in the
Torres Strait), then the Queensland regional ports Cardwell, Bowen and Gladstone,
reaching Brisbane and finally Sydney. Shortly after the commencement of the contract
Hong Kong was added as a port of call (Hardwick 1983: 2). Other conditions of the
contract were schedule requirements and the ability to maintain each steamer at an
acceptable safety and performance standard. Eventually ports in mainland China and Japan
were added to the itinerary. The E&A service offered Queensland a fortnightly mail
service with Britain (Olson 1976: 7).
This contract provided Brisbane and regional Queensland ports with their own mail
service. The contract subsidised E&A whilst it developed a small but lucrative niche in
Australian coastal trade and the Asian trade. This was a remarkable opportunity when one
appreciates the variety of ports and opportunity for new markets. The ability for the
company’s directors to foresee the lucrative Asia trade through the Torres Strait route is
best shown in this excerpt from a shareholders meeting in 1874:
the progress of the trade between the East and Australia is realising the expectations
formed of it, the steamers having had on more than one occasion to shut out cargo, not
only in China but also Singapore ( Hardwick 1983: 4).
The foresight to appreciate the trade possibilities in Asia went hand in hand with the
ingenuity required to plot a regular route through the poorly charted waters of the Torres
Strait. Sail ships and steamers had of course travelled this route before the E&A was
established. The area experienced activity from the 1860s with the growth of the pearl
industry. In turn the British settlements of Somerset, established in 1864, and then replaced
by Thursday Island in 1877, indicated the intention of Queensland to provide assistance to
all traffic along the route. However the E&A service was one of the first fleets that
regularly made way through these waters as part of an established itinerary. Nicholson
reflects that the E&A service was the first with a structured ‘reef pilot’ program, an official
response to the unfamiliar waters (Nicholson 1996: 386). Foley also recognises that a
significant majority of pilots who were employed by other companies in these early days
were originally from E&A (Foley 1982: 34,29). In turn he reflects that it was the E&A ship
the Sun Foo which in 1874 completed the earliest known full-length pilotage of the Barrier
Reef from Brisbane to Torres Strait (Foley 1982: 27).
The slow development of the Torres Strait as a popular route was due, partially, to the lack
of coal and wood to fuel the inefficient early steamers (Nicholson 1996: 234). Thus a
regular use of the channel awaited developments in engine efficiency and performance.
In 1880, when the contract came up for renewal, E&A lost it to the larger B.I. This rival
offered a direct link between Queensland and Britain (Laxon 1963: 4). In turn this larger
company would eventually develop a more popular cargo trade through the Torres route
(Lewis 1973: 45). The loss of the contract was steeped in controversy. Olson argues that
the loss occurred because of disputes regarding ports of call and the size of the subsidy
(Olson 1976: 18). Lewis suggests there was more involved, arguing that B.I. had close
DAVID STEINBERG
20
political and commercial ties in Queensland (Lewis 1973: 45). He states that one year
before the contract came up for renewal, McIlwraith, the premier of Queensland, was
already deliberating details with B.I. (Lewis 1973: 45). The Liberal Opposition challenged
this move, fearing a shipping monopoly, the kind a large conglomerate company like BI
could create (Lewis 1973: 45). The loss of this contract sent E&A into its first voluntary
liquidation (Olson 1976: 18).
The South Australian mail contract. In 1880 the second company was formed. With this
came the delivery of two new vessels, the Catterthun and the Tannadice. The following
year saw the E&A awarded a mail contract from the South Australian government, to run a
service between Adelaide and Palmerston. In this same year (1881), the Brisbane was
wrecked, stranding at Fish Reef near Palmerston, inward bound from Hong Kong (Laxon
1963: 5). The E&A had, by this time, extended its service to Melbourne and Adelaide;
Palmerston officially becoming a part of the South Australian colony considerably earlier
in 1865 (Powell 1982: 77). In 1911, when the Commonwealth took control of the
Northern Territory, Palmerston become known as Darwin. This contract continued until
World War 1 when the E &A ships were commissioned for active duty (Olson 1976: 23).
By 1884 all of the steamers from the original company had been replaced with faster, more
efficient and therefore more financially lucrative ships. In addition to the Catterthun and
the Tannadice, the Airlie and the Guthrie were purchased and placed into service. The
ports of call for this fleet were: Japan, Shanghai, Hong Kong, Manila, Thursday Island,
Townsville, Bowen, Brisbane, Sydney, Melbourne and Adelaide. The port of Singapore
had been removed from the route to make way for the more lucrative Chinese passenger
and trade market (Olson 1976: 22). It was also removed as now the company no longer
serviced international mail. The E&A company was developing a strong trade service with
Asian ports and did lucrative business servicing Chinese immigration to the colonies. In
June 1894 for reasons that are unclear, the second company was liquidated, but by July the
third company was formed (Olson 1976: 23).
The third company and the purchase of the Australian. The 1890s saw the development
of strong competition in the trade through the Torres Strait to Asia, particularly from the
China Navigation Company which offered the east coast of Australia a similar passenger
and freight service (Laxon 1963: 6). By this time French and German services were also
connecting Asia to the colonies of Australia (Olson 1976: 26). Due to this period of
competition, and because of the loss of the Catterthun in 1895, the company reviewed its
fleet. Over the next few years E&A introduced the Australian, the Eastern and the Empire.
These new steamers returned the E&A to a competitive level.
The Australian, at 2838 tons, was the first steel steamer of the fleet and also the first with
400 nhp (Laxon 1963: 7) .The Eastern, built in 1899, was 3,586 tons with 469 nhp (Laxon
1963: 7). The Empire, built in 1902, was 4497 tons with 613 nhp (Laxon 1963: 7). These
ships demonstrated a return to the clipper bow trademark of the early E&A vessels
(previous examples being the Guthrie and Airlie). The Australian and the Eastern were
both built by Napier and Sons. The Empire was built by Beardmores, a company
associated with Napier. Following the wreck of the Australian the company purchased the
Aldenham originally built in 1894 for the Aberdeen Line. The Aldenham was also built by
Napier and Sons (Laxon 1963: 7).
Following the death of a major shareholder named Guthrie in 1900, there was dispute
amongst the shareholders as to the company’s future (Olson 1976: 28). The shipping
THE HISTORIC SHIPWRECK AUSTRALIAN — PLAN OF MANAGEMENT
21
industry was becoming the domain of large conglomerate companies and the era of the
small shipping company was over. The E&A resisted an initial buy-out offer from the B.I.
(a subsidiary of P&O), but by the end of World War 1 they eventually sold to the P&O
group (Olson 1976: 28).
The use of Asian crews in the E&A company. The E&A steamers operated with
Australian officers and Asian crews, predominantly Chinese, whilst servicing Asian
immigration. This occurred during a period in Australia of restrictive regulations dealing
with non-European labour and non-European immigration. One clear example of this is the
regulations relating to the Commonwealth’s Immigration Restriction Act 1901.
Particularly relevant to maritime working conditions, in 1878 European seaman and dock
workers who worked for the Australian owned Australasian Steam Navigation Company
(A.S.N), staged a strike in Sydney and Brisbane, protesting the use of cheap Asian labour.
The strikers gained public support, and the protest ended only after violence was
threatened. The experiences of both the Chinese crew and passengers aboard these ships is
of social and historical importance.
Conclusion. E & A was a small shipping operator that contributed to the trade and
passenger service between coastal ports in Australia, and was a pioneer in the development
of trade with Asia. Laxon argues that when the company first worked its route, north
Queensland and the Torres Strait were poorly charted and at times treacherous waters
(Laxon 1963: 2). He commends the pioneering spirit of the company by arguing its route
was ‘poorly navigated, dealing in a trade that was mostly untried’. This was certainly true
on both counts. The first ocean-going vessel at Port Kennedy, an early British base on
Thursday Island, was the mail steamer the Brisbane in 1878 (Nicholson 1996: 260).
Perhaps reflecting the difficult route travelled over the course of the company’s history, six
ships had been lost (Table 1).
Table 1. Wrecked E&A ships (Olson 1976: 22-23)
Ship Year built, location of wreck and year
Queensland - built 1875, wrecked Wilson’s Prom. VIC. in 1876
Singapore - built 1874, wrecked off Keswick Island, QLD in 1877
Brisbane - built 1874, wrecked on Fish Reef, NT in 1881
Normanby - built 1874, wrecked, bound for Manila in 1893
Catterthun - built 1881, wrecked on Sea Rocks, N.S.W in 1895
Australian - built 1896, wrecked Vashon Head, N.T in 1906
2.3 The working life of the Australian
Introduction. The Australian joined the E&A fleet as the first of a new wave of steamers
and it was described at the time as the pride of the fleet. It was the company’s first steel
steamer, and the first with 400 nhp capacity, giving the vessel a tested speed of 15 knots.
The steamer was also given a warm welcome from the local Palmerston press, who
referred to the vessel as the ‘finest ship that has entered this port in many years’ (NTT&G
31 July 1896). This report also describes the steamer as being ‘beautifully furnished’ and
with ‘electric light throughout’. The Australian had accommodation facilities for 70 first
class passengers, 35 second class passengers and an unspecified number of places for
steerage class passengers (NTT&G 31 July 1896). The E&A fleet was serviced by
Australian officers and Asian crews.
DAVID STEINBERG
22
The Australian and the other steamers of the fleet travelled a long route, which began in
Adelaide and ended in Japan. Although the steamers generally ran the same route particular
ports may have differed depending on the work and contracts of each voyage. At any one
time the fleet would be dispersed across the east coast of Australia and the China Sea.
The ports of call. The E&A fleet worked a common route that changed over time
reflecting changes in business interests and contracts. In addition the ports of call for each
voyage would differ depending on the available work. Therefore attempts to determine the
exact itinerary of the Australian are misguided, the problem exacerbated by secondary
references that are vague and contradictory. However it is a useful task to produce at least a
general view of the fleet’s route during the time that the Australian was operational.
By the time the Australian joined the fleet Singapore and Java had been excluded as ports
of call (Hardwick 1983: 5). He explains that the removal of Singapore was to allow the
company to focus on the ‘more profitable China trade’. Singapore and Java were first
introduced as ports during the earlier held Queensland mail contract.
In the early 1880s the E&A fleet called at: Japan (no specific port given in this reference),
Shanghai, Hong Kong, Manila, Thursday Island, Townsville, Bowen, Brisbane, Sydney
and Melbourne (Olson 1976: 22). The continuing inclusion of small regional Queensland
ports like Bowen and Townsville, after the loss of the Queensland mail contract, is an
interesting aspect of the itinerary (Olson 1976: 22). This must indicate that following the
period of the contract the company continued to make profitable trade through these ports.
Bach refers to regional Queensland ports as being profitable and highly competitive (Bach
1976: 251). These ports were kept in business from the rich hinterland industries. For
example, the Australian transported chilled foods to Asia from producers in Australia, and
Bach states that Queensland produced a great deal of meat for this industry (Bach 1976:
195).
Olson lists another itinerary, which seems more likely to have been that used during the
operational period of the Australian (Olson 1976: 22). This association is based on other
references and links Olson makes between the route and the period in question. These ports
include: Adelaide, Melbourne, Sydney, Brisbane, Townsville, Cairns, Cooktown, Darwin,
Timor, Manila, Hong Kong, Foochow, Shanghai, Moji, Kobe and Yokohama. These ports
make up the itinerary mapped in Figure 5.
A difference in this itinerary (Fig. 5.) to what occurred in practice would relate to whether
smaller ports were visited during individual voyages and when Foochow (Fuzhou) was
introduced as a port of call. In general, any attempt to reveal a set route is misguided,
because the Australian may have called at different regional ports depending on work
specific to that voyage.
The duration of the route. From the newspaper reports of the Australian’s incoming and
outgoings at various ports it is possible to piece together an understanding of the time it
took to complete legs of the route. These estimates are extremely broad. They do not
account for weather conditions affecting speed or delays at each port. Nevertheless, to
complete the journey from Hong Kong to Palmerston, with stops at Manila and Thursday
Island, the Australian took approximately 10 days (NTT&G 14 December 1900). This
voyage can be broken down to finer estimates with references indicating that Palmerston to
THE HISTORIC SHIPWRECK AUSTRALIAN — PLAN OF MANAGEMENT
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Fig. 5. The route of the Australian (Nova Graphics 1997) .
DAVID STEINBERG
24
Thursday Island took 6 to 8 hours and Palmerston to Timor took 36 hours (NTT&G 31
July 1896). From Adelaide the Australian took approximately 5 days to reach Sydney and
then transferred passengers and cargo crew before leaving port (NTT&G 19 February
The voyage from Sydney to Palmerston took approximately 10 days (NTT&G 11
December 1896). From these references it can be stated that the Australian took
approximately 25 days to reach Hong Kong from Adelaide.
Visits to Asian ports. The recorded experiences of crews and passengers aboard these
steamships that travelled to Asia at the turn of the 19th century provide fascinating
insights. This extract from the local Palmerston newspaper tells the story of Mr Tully,
manager of the Palmerston Commercial Bank, who went for a holiday on the E&A vessel
Eastern, travelling to Japan and stopping at intermediate Asian ports:
Manila would appear to be almost as difficult a place to gain access to as the North Pole
or Thibet (sic), the obstructions in this case; however, being of a purely artificial and
official nature. The proud Caucasian traveller finds himself placed in somewhat the
same situation as the Asianic seeking to gain admission to Australia. If he wishes to stay
there he has first to show that he possesses the where withdrawn to pay his way; if he
wishes to take a change of linen and go ashore for the night only, much ponderous
official machinery has first to be set in motion; and he cannot even land for an hour or
two without obtaining a pass from the Customs officials. In fact a visit to Manila would
seem calculated to provide food for some serious reflection by the most bigoted of
protectionists. Mr Tully saw much interest in Hong Kong and Canton, but the tortuous
crowded streets and the overpowering odours of the quaint metropolis of southern China
were not provocative of any very strong desire for a too prolonged acquaintance. The
foetid (sic) atmosphere is calculated to promote unpleasant reflections respecting
plague, cholera and other germs which blunts the keen interest in the novel
surroundings. Like myriads of other travellers, Mr Tully found the scenery and the
climate of Japan delightful, and was much impressed by the efficiency and cheapness of
the railway service. At one point on the route a 300 mile journey can be taken at a cost
of 12s, the best meals being provided for about 1s, whilst waiters are detailed for each
carriage, who watch over the comfort of the passengers with a tender solicitude, even to
fanning away the obtrusive fly which may have settled momentarily upon your nose
(NTT&G 9 October 1903).
This excerpt gives us a limited insight into the opinions of one European traveller to the
region. Mr Tully’s reference to there being differences in tolerance and acceptance for
foreign visitors is interesting, as is his mention of the anti-Asian ‘protectionist’ climate
permeating Australia during that time.
The cargo. From newspaper accounts, it is possible to determine the kinds of cargo that the
Australian had shipped within Australia and the cargo coming in and out of Australia. The
cargo is significant in determing the economic role of the steamer. It also reflects examples
of trade between Palmerston and coastal ports in Australia, and between Australia and
Asia. A limitation to this review is the absence of information regarding shipments
between Asian ports.
Regardless of the role of the Australian in freighting a variety of goods the mail had
always been the most precious of items. The mail service contract aided E&A to subsidise
the long route from Adelaide to Palmerston. The significance of the mail cargo was
illustrated when the passengers of the stranded Australian were rescued by the passing
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25
Waihoi. The Waihoi brought aboard 56 bags of mail, in preference to much of the
passenger luggage and much of the other goods (NTT&G 23 November 1906).
The Australian steamer shipped both exotic and bulk cargo. From Australia to Manila, and
other Asian ports, the ship carried export goods such as pearl shell, trepang, tortoise shell,
whisky and racehorses (NTT&G 18 May 1900). Thus the Australian contributed to
servicing small niche markets between Australia and Asia, as well as carrying exotic ‘once
only’ cargo. An extreme example of exotic cargo was the transport of two lions from the
Sydney zoo to a zoo in Japan in 1903 (NTT&G 11 December 1903). The export of trepang
demonstrates the continuation of a export tradition that had been in progress before
European settlement.
The Australian also exported exotic and bulk goods from Palmerston markets to southern
ports. In August 1903 the Australian exported: 153 cattle hides, 225 bags of tin ore, 11
cases of pearl shell, 61 bags of salted fish, 19 bags beef and 40 packages (size unknown) of
sundries to southern ports (NTT&G 14 August 1903). This varying and seemingly
impressive trade was in fact small and Palmerston struggled at this time to develop a
substantial export market (Powell 1982: 85-108). The steamer also provided basic
materials to Palmerston from the south, such as coal, flour and building materials (NTT&G
18 May 1900 & NTT&G 30 November 1906) .
The Australian, with a net tonnage of 1784 tons, would have been considered a medium
sized steamer of its time with regard to the transport of bulk commodities. Nevertheless the
ship had a contributory role to play in the development of the minerals export market of
northern Australia. Tin, copper and other minerals from mines north of Katherine were
shipped from Palmerston to both southern ports and buyers in Asia. In the year 1900 tin
ore would go for 70 pounds per ton in the Singapore markets (NTT&G 24 August 1900).
The discovery of gold, tin and other mineral deposits in the north restored peoples’ hopes
that not all of the great mineral deposits of Australia had been discovered and exploited
(Harlow 1997: 1).
The hopes for a thriving Northern Territory mineral industry were eventually dashed,
problems including poor ore deposits, high costs of labour increased by isolation and
fluctuating international prices (Powell 1982: 95). Despite eventual disappointment in the
results, the history of mining in the north had a significant impact on development, for
example the construction of the Pine Creek to Darwin railway, and on the history of this
part of Australia, for example the history of the mining settlement of Southport. Therefore
the Australian was involved in what was a limited but historically and socially significant
industry of northern Australia.
Of all the goods the Australian freighted, the industry that was most significant in regard to
the developing export economy of the time was the frozen foods market. The Australian
shipped frozen meats, dairy products and chilled fruit to Asia, eventually reaching markets
in Britain. The Torres Strait route was the popular route for this export market, therefore
the knowledge and experience of E&A in this passage assisted its expansion into the
industry. When the Australian was wrecked, the vessel was carrying 2000 tonnes of cargo
and an account of the event indicates that a large percentage of this was frozen meat and
butter (NTT&G 30 November 1906).
The Australian as a passenger service. The Australian serviced passengers travelling
between ports along the south, east and north coasts of Australia, those that travelled to
DAVID STEINBERG
26
ports in Asia, some international travellers continuing to Europe on connected services.
Passengers also included visitors and immigrants to Australia from Asia.
The steamer was advertised as having accommodation for 70 first class passengers and 35
second class passengers. There was also accommodation for steerage class passengers, but
the number of places, and the quality of the berths, was less openly advertised. Olson
indicates that steerage accommodation was once advertised by E&A as ‘extensive coolie
accommodation’ (Olson 1976: 26). This certainly indicates that management was aware of
the lucrative cheap labour passenger trade. To be fair, perhaps this style of marketing lower
class berths is more indicative of the time than specifically this company.
Select passengers travelling to Palmerston from southern ports were often mentioned by
name in the shipping news section of the Northern Territory Times and Gazette. In some
cases a short paragraph was written regarding a visitor, the arrival of influential business
Figures or socialites being important local news. In contrast the steerage passengers were
listed based on ethnic affiliation. For example the voyage to Palmerston, cut short by the
stranding of the steamer in November 1906, included: 60 Chinese passengers, 2 Japanese,
and 2 Hindu, in addition to the 13 European passengers (NTT&G 23 November 1906). The
number of passengers aboard this luckless voyage is a broad guide to the number of
passengers travelling on earlier voyages of the steamship.
The experiences of passengers aboard the Australian would certainly have differed
depending on the quality of their berths and their reason for travel. For the more privileged
first and second class passengers the voyage was perhaps rough at times but an adventure
to be had, particularly for those travelling from southern ports to the exotic and distant
north.
There was a social life aboard for the wealthier European passengers, consisting of dances,
organised group activities and shared drinks in the saloon (Olson 1976: 47-49). An
example of a prevailing sense of adventure for some passengers aboard the Australian is
that in April 1899 a cricket team made up of passengers from the steamer took on the
Palmerston team, a match that would have attracted a number of local spectators (NTT&G
14 April 1899). The same passengers were audience to a cultural performance by local
Aborigines (NTT&G 14 April 1899). The organised activities show that for some
passengers the voyage was a holiday of sorts, regardless of later intentions when one
reached their port of destination.
2.4. Stranding of the vessel and consequent events
The stranding. The Australian ran aground on the reef protruding from Vashon Head, a
point of land located along the northern coastline of Cobourg Peninsula, a peninsula that
marks the most northern point of Arnhem Land. The site is located approximately 220
kilometres from Darwin. Whilst steaming westward to Palmerston, through the Arafura
Sea, an unexpectedly strong tide brought the ship over the shallow reef. The officers and
crew were attempting to complete a leg of the ship’s circular route. This route included
Adelaide, intermediate ports along the east coast of Australia, Palmerston and ports in the
Indonesian archipelago and the China Sea. This route had been a travelled a number of
times by the ship and was the standard itinerary of the E&A company.
The Australian left Sydney on the 7 November 1906. Whilst in port the ship’s compass was
realigned, suggesting that it was unlikely that a navigational error due to an inaccurate
compass was to blame for the accident. Reflecting on the voyage up to this incident
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27
Captain John George remarked that ‘nothing of importance took place on the voyage’
(Inquiry 1907).
The ship passed Croker Island at approximately 8:45pm on Saturday the 17th of
November, reaching the northern shore of Cobourg Peninsula. The Chief Engineer
Douglas Young stated that at the time that the ship ran aground it was travelling at 11.3
knots (Inquiry 1907).
The Captain, who was in charge of the bridge at the time of the incident, describes the
accident and his orders following. ‘At 8:50 pm the ship took the ground, the engines were
immediately stopped and the holds sounded and found 8 feet ( 2.4 metres) of water in
number one hold. At 8:53 the engines were put full speed ahead…’ (Inquiry 1907). The
water in the hold indicated to the Captain that the bilge of the hull had been breached in the
accident. He ordered the engines full speed ahead so that the ship could settle on the
shallow reef, avoiding the possibility of it sinking if in deeper water. The impact between
the ship and the reef was described by the NTT&G as a ‘bump’ which startled and alerted
the passengers and crew (NTT&G 23 November 1906), a description that suggests the
collision itself was not dramatic.
A number of testimonies at the inquiry claimed that the area was experiencing an unusually
strong tidal current. A number of expert witnesses also suggested that because there were
no navigational markers or signals along this particular coastline the area was inherently
dangerous to navigate (Inquiry 1907).
The Captain explained his error in navigation with ‘I have been running to and from Port
Darwin during the last 20 years. I do not know of any safe anchorage between Croker
Island and Cape Don. It is usual to run on when you get your departure from New Year
Island. When the vessel struck I was fully impressed that I was at least 8 miles from the
land and I was very much deceived…I had no knowledge of a phenomenal tide during this
time until I received the letter from Mr A Brown, who is a resident at Port Essington…’
(Inquiry 1907)
The Chief Officer Andrew Shaw supports this explanation with ‘…I thought we were off
the land by about 10 miles. I did not notice the ship being set in. The course steered was a
correct one and our departure from Cape Croker was made with the usual observations as
to the bearings. I have been told since the stranding of the ship that on the evening of the
17 of November she struck, there was an abnormally high tide on the north coast, and this
in my opinion would account for the accident’ (Inquiry 1907).
The explanation of an abnormally high tide that night was supported by Captain Mugg of
the Waihoi, the vessel that first reached the stranded Australian. Captain Mugg argued that
‘I consider that there was an exceptionally strong set of tides to the southward, and from
the choppy nature of the sea I consider that the current was unusually strong, this would be
the following tide after the stranding of the Australian…there is nothing to guide one in the
directory as to these exceptionally high tides…On my return to Port McArthur this trip I
found an unusually strong set towards the land, and between Cape Wessel and the
Goulbourne islands I was 30 miles out…’ (Inquiry 1907).
The explanation of an extraordinary strong tide that pulled the ship towards land was
accepted by the marine board inquiry and the Captain was not found at fault for the
stranding of the steamer (Inquiry 1907).
DAVID STEINBERG
28
Following the collision all the passengers rushed to the deck. The newspaper account
claims that the Chinese passengers ’seized their life belts and strapped them on, yelling
wildly the while’ (NTT&G 23 November 1906). The same account states that the boats
were lowered in preparation for an escape if necessary. When order was restored and the
hull investigated it was determined that the ship was resting ‘amidships’ on the reef. A
breach in the bilge was confirmed with a reading of 16 feet of water in the fore-hold. ‘The
passengers were all removed to the first saloon and the donkey engine was set to work in a
vain attempt to pump out the water from the holds’ (NTT&G 23 November 1906). Over the
course of the night the lowering tide exposed the hull, and the prospect of floating the
steamer, with the pumps working the flooding holds, was discounted.
Over the course of the night the low tide made the ship more unstable, the ship realigned
its orientation on the reef and developed a significant list to starboard. The flooding
worsened and the boilers and engine room were affected, forcing the crew to shut down
auxiliary engines (NTT&G 23 November 1906).
By early Sunday morning Captain George had decided to transport the passengers to the
nearby shore of Cobourg Peninsula. Three boatloads of Chinese passengers were deposited
on land. Another passenger, Captain Strachan, volunteered to master a boat the 130 miles
to Palmerston and return with assistance. Just prior to his departure the Waihoi, making its
way to Palmerston along the same route, was spotted. She responded to the distress calls
and approached the reef cautiously, anchoring 1/2 mile from the stranded Australian. The
passengers, a few of their personal belongings and the 56 mail bags were transported
across and taken to Palmerston (NTT&G 23 November 1906).
The officers and crew remained on board the vessel, staying on the port side which was
elevated because of the ship’s list to starboard. By this time below-decks was flooded, and
at high tide the starboard section of the ship was submerged. Reports indicate that the
stanchions and other deck supports appeared twisted and bent indicating the hull itself was
being manipulated. On Friday the 30 November, 6 days after the initial accident, the
officers and crew abandoned the steamer, and boarded the SS Pretoria, transferring stores
and personal belongings (NTT&G 23 November 1906).
Further correspondence dealing with a beacon at Cape Don. A beacon at Cape Don was
recommended by the inquiry board in conclusion to its investigation of the stranding. This
sentiment was echoed in government correspondence to South Australia, with the
Australian being cited as the example in argument (Government Resident 1907). A
committee was formed to discuss the options for making the passage across this stretch
safer. Despite the committee’s findings that Cape Don was the most appropriate site for a
lighthouse or beacon, a beacon was first established at Cape Hotham instead. It is ironic
that the SS Aldenham, the vessel purchased by E&A to replace the Australian, was the
vessel contracted to service the construction of this beacon.
Initial salvage operations on the stranded steamer. Following the stranding there were a
number of attempts to refloat the vessel. After these failed the vessel was salvaged, and
internal fittings sold at auction. The local newspaper, the Northern Territory Times and
Gazette, recorded these events in detail. The paper also recorded observations on the
condition of the wreck as made by the officers of passing ships. These accounts add a
further element to the story of this ship. Furthermore this information gives an insight into
the strategies taken by a group of early salvors in working the stranded ship. Searching for
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signs of these salvage operations has been one way that the archaeology and the history of
this vessel have come together.
The first objective following the stranding was to remove the cargo not damaged by the
partial flooding of the holds. As stated earlier both the Waihoi and the Pretoria took cargo
aboard when they collected the stranded passengers and crew. The Pretoria returned to the
site a number of times in the first few days following the accident. The objective of these
visits was to take aboard the remaining cargo worth salvaging. In the first two trips she
took on board approximately 210 tons of cargo, mostly goods consigned to merchants in
Palmerston, and saved from disaster by being originally stored in the no. 2 hold, the drier
of the cargo holds. Mr Brown, the representative of E&A in Palmerston, restricted the
Pretoria from issuing salvaged cargo to these merchants, until conditions with the
underwriters had been settled. A further 1800 tons of cargo remained on the vessel at this
time, being perished goods, mostly butter and meats (NTT&G 23 November 1906).
Returning for a third salvage venture, 5 days after the stranding event, the Pretoria brought
a diver, who inspected the damaged hull of the Australian. The diver discovered that there
were large boulders lying along the reef floor. In particular there were boulders located
against the hull walls of hold no. 1 and 2 and the stern section. Also by this time, all the
holds were full of water except the aft hold. The engine room was ’swamped’ and all
engines, including that powered by the ‘donkey’ boiler, were out (NTT&G 30 November
1906).
Further salvage and attempts to refloat the steamer. Captain Strachan, a passenger aboard
the steamer when she struck the reef, took a keen interest in the salvage of the ship. There
were few vessels available to be contracted for salvage work. Although the pearling fleets
were in harbour, with the season recently finished, the crew had been paid off. All of the
‘good’ sailors had been secured for the forthcoming season of the Arru Island fleet.
Strachan took this opportunity to participate in the investigation of the condition of the
steamer and the salvage of its cargo, using his own tug the Maggie and his small schooner
Envy, the latter being towed by the tug (NTT&G, 14 June 1907).
The exact agreement made between the underwriters of the steamer and Strachan over the
salvage rights is unclear. It is evident that he worked as the principal salvor for a period of
time, and between November 1906 and June 1907 outright ownership of the steamer
passed into his hands (NTT&G, 21 and 28 June 1907).
Strachan initially carried out only minimal salvage work, such as the removal of internal
fittings, because he was convinced that he would eventually refloat the vessel, tow it to
safe anchorage, and fix her breached hull and twisted carriage. He was told after three
diving inspections that the hull was not breached by large unmanageable breaks, but rather
there was a long ‘crack’ in the vessel’s plates. This was plugged by means of wooden
wedges and oakum. The effectiveness of this seal was said to be good, and proven by the
fact that the changing tide did not affect the level of water in the holds. Following this
success Strachan ordered additional pumps and other equipment, from Sydney, to assist
him in the process of refloating the steamer. The plan was to float the vessel and, under
assistance from the ship’s own steam, move it into deeper water and tow it away (NTT&G
28 June 1907).
The pump that arrived proved insufficient and it was feared that when directed into deeper
water the vessel would fill and sink beneath the surface. The project awaited the arrival of
DAVID STEINBERG
30
further equipment from Sydney. In the meantime the plugs were removed and the vessel
allowed to resettle itself on the reef bed. The vessel was not floated again.
Over the following months, until mid-September 1908, Strachan made further attempts to
refloat the steamer (NTT&G 18 September 1908). His team ran into obstacles again and
again, however Strachan remained persistent. There is a suggestion that, as late as February
1908, Strachan received financial backing for his endeavour from the Commercial Bank of
NSW (NTT&G 28 February 1908). However he did not succeed and over time the vessel
deteriorated till mending the hull was no longer an option. Ownership of the vessel was
eventually handed to Messrs A.E.Jolly and Company due to an overdue bill of sale given
as security to fund the salvage work (NTT&G 18 September 1908). This company held an
auction of all salvaged material in August 1908.
Messrs A.E Jolly and Company had the officers of the steamer Waihoi complete an
assessment of the vessel to finally determine the potential for further salvage and the
viability of refloating the vessel. The crew of the Waihoi reported that the Australian had a
fair list to the starboard side, with its bow facing NW. From ‘about half flood tide’ the sea
was breaking across the number 3 and 4 hatchways. Under the saloon the main deck had
been forced up into a ridge over a few feet. The funnel was canted at an acute angle and the
main mast was also out of position. The engine room was flooded yet the machinery
remained in good condition. In turn there were a number of indications that the hull was
extensively damaged and breached. Further salvage was conducted on this visit. Material
taken included polished satin wood panelling, teak mouldings and other interior fittings.
There was also mention that the anchors, winches and chain were worthy of salvage
(NTT&G 25 September 1908). The Australian was later sold to another salvor named A.H.
Albert, in February 1911, who had developed a reputation for working wrecks off the
Queensland coast (NTT&G 24 February 1911).
Through the course of the salvage work the remaining rotting cargo, most probably the
meat in particular, emitted a foul odour from the cargo holds. There is a reference in a later
newspaper account that during the initial salvage work by Strachan, a worker was killed
from inhaling toxic fumes emitting from rotting cargo (NTT&G 2 October 1908).
The auction of salvaged material. On Saturday 29 August 1908 Messrs A.E. Jolly and
Company held an auction of salvaged items. The auctioneer, W.C.P. Bell, staged the event
in the Henrie and Bell’s rooms (NTT&G 21 August 1908).
It appears from the newspaper account that the auction attracted a large crowd and was
very successful. The advertisement for the auction details that the following items were for
sale: Teak safes, Ice chest, Tables, Filters, Settee cushions, Telegraphs and Stands,
Compass stand, Binnacles, Binnacle stands, Lamps life belts, Life buoys, Charts etc. There
was no mention of the sale of other items for example the bell and salvaged machinery.
Material such as this may have changed hands in equally profitable but less public ways
(NTT&G 21 August 1908).
2.5. The Australian steamship in relation to the developing maritime economy of
Australia
Introduction. To appreciate the historical significance of the Australian it is necessary to
understand its significance in the context of the larger maritime economy of Australia. This
chapter contains a brief history of relevant aspects of Australia’s maritime history prior to
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this steamer’s appearance and discusses the working life of the steamer in the context of the
maritime economy at that time.
Prior to the 1850s. From the outset both social planning and economic hardship dictated
that the Australian colonies remained, at least initially, economically dependant on Britain.
There was a serious need for an export commodity that would reduce financial
dependency. This search was not aided by ideological positions such as that of
Commissioner Brigge who stated that the natural pattern of trade for the colonies will be
between itself and the mother country. Resources would be shipped to Britain in return for
its own manufactured goods (Bach 1976: 65). Such attitudes would have Australia as a
sole resource of Britain, a market for its goods and a source of cheap commodities.
The whale industry failed the NSW colony, because it did not bring in sufficient capital,
and the returns primarily went to British investors. It was wool that developed Australia’s
export market. Wool export grew to considerable proportions in a short period of time. In
1821 the colony exported 175,400 pounds, by 1850 this expanded to 41,426,655 pounds
(Bach 1976: 20). However, much of this export industry was controlled by British owned
and operated ships, continuing a damaging tradition of the removal of capital returns from
the colonies.
In addition to losing capital to a British controlled shipping industry the colony imported
much of its manufactured goods from Britain. Bach reflects that between 1821-1850
Australian international trade was ‘predominantly a British affair’ (Bach 1976: 55). In the
era following this domination, Britain remained a significant force in the competitive
coastal and international Australian markets. The E&A company, which owned and
operated the Australian, was owned by British investors. British influence was also felt by
the enforcement of British maritime law, and its impending restrictions on free trade.
At this time the Asian/Australia trade, which became the hallmark of the E&A company,
was in its infancy. Small but symbolic trade with the Indonesian archipelago and other
Asian ports, specifically China, had begun early in colonial history. As early as 1830 an
annual average of 1000 tons of shipping trade occurred between Australia and Java. By
1842 Java was exporting 16 million pounds of sugar to NSW (Bach 1976: 63). By 1846
Manila was exporting 10,000 tons of cargo to Australia. This included sugar, coffee and
cigars. In return Australia exported flour, cheese, butter and coal (Bach 1976: 63).
Additionally McCarthy refers to various pearling companies that were operating between
Batavia (Java), other parts of the archipelago and the West Australian coast (McCarthy
1996: 145). The E&A company began shipping operations in the area by 1873. Though
this is considerably later, the company was responsible for the development of new
markets at a considerably early period.
Restrictive British maritime law and practice. Bach explains that there were two major
British obstacles in international trade with the Australian colonies. First was the
dominance of the British East India Company that used influence and gained special
concessions to create a trade monopoly that restricted the business of other British ship
owners and trade companies (Bach 1976: 45-46). The second restrictive force was the
regulations of the British Navigation Act 1651 which banned non-British registered vessels
from trading with colonial ports. Blainey argues that this Act had a crippling effect on both
foreign ships and ports in need of supplies (Blainey 1966: 174). Bach acknowledges the
nature of these obstacles but suggests that in practice these was ignored, particularly by
American traders (Bach 1976: 46). Eventually the dominance of the British East India
DAVID STEINBERG
32
Company dissipated, and the Act was repealed in 1849. This finally opened the door for
foreign companies and non-aligned British traders.
Rapid growth in the 1850s. The discovery of gold along the east of Australia in the 1860s
significantly changed the very nature of the colonies’ economic and social life. Bach
reflects that one of the first increases was that of population as new immigrants attempted
to make it rich on the goldfields (Bach 1976: 94). Agriculture also greatly increased with
the need to feed this growing population (Bach 1976: 94). Beyond indirect advantages the
very nature of coastal and international shipping changed dramatically. Parsons reflects
that with the discovery of gold in NSW and Victoria, the coastal and international shipping
activity of the Australian colonies greatly increased (Parsons 1981: 4). There was the
development of an extensive passenger service to accommodate the massive increase in
immigration and the constant movement of workers and families. Foreign imports
shipments were increasing, responding to the demands of a growing population. Freight
costs for back loading with export goods were low as shipping companies were desperate
for return cargo. Exports included wool, gold, coal and whale products, however these
never matched the import trade (Bach 1976: 95). Blainey argues that, nevertheless, the
high value of wool and gold made this imbalance an acceptable limitation to investors
(Blainey 1966: 144). Additionally, perhaps of more interest to the romantic than the
economic minded, this demand in efficient and reliable sea services saw the introduction of
the American clippers to Australian shores (Bach 1976: 96).
The development of the Suez Canal route. The traditional sea route between Britain and
Australia was what has been described as the ‘Great Circle Route’ (Blainey 1966: 180).
This consisted of vessels making their way from Britain south along the west coast of
Africa. Utilising the westerlies in low latitudes, ships made their way across the Indian
Ocean to southern Australia. The ships returned to Britain via the westerlies again,
remaining in low latitudes, passing Cape Horn. When one considers the geometry of the
planet, the route, in addition to utilising favourable winds, was shorter than a route along
higher latitudes.
The Suez is a narrow strip of land linking Egypt with the Sinai Peninsular. It was first used
in 1837 by a British captain, Thomas Waghorn, as a shortcut between the Mediterranean
Sea and the Indian Ocean, an alternative to the traditional route which passed the Cape of
Good Hope (Blainey 1966: 215). The P&O company was particularly dominant in utilising
this route, developing the overland pass and ensuring reliable steamship links on each side
of the land passage (Blainey 1966: 215). The canal was built in 1869 and remains a vital
sea passage today.
The creation of the canal introduced new services between the west and the east thus
increasing competition. The route favoured the steamship trade, being less about wind and
able to provide reliable coaling ports (Blainey 1966: 216). In turn this route allowed
companies to take advantage of the train services between the English Channel and the
Mediterranean, cutting days off the transport time (Blainey 1966: 216). By 1860 the Suez
route was the fastest mail service between Britain and Australia, this feat heavily
dependent on the contribution of the rail service link (Blainey 1966: 217).
The Suez Canal eventually became the dominant mail route between Britain and Australia
however it remained considerably limited until the development of vastly more efficient
compounding engines and the ability to create higher pressures of steam. This would alter
the extent of dependency on numerous coaling ports along the way. An increase in coastal
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33
trade in Australia during the 1880s consisted of mostly traffic between the larger ports of
the colonies, for example Melbourne and Sydney, where the route was short and the
coaling ports numerous. International trade was still dominated by sail ships and would not
be challenged until the introduction of new steam related technologies (Blainey 1966: 221-
217).
The mail roues to Australia; an increase in Asian trade as a consequence. The mail route
between Britain and Australia through the Suez Canal had a number of shaky starts and as
a consequence alternative routes were suggested. One such route was a trans-Pacific route.
By 1880 the mail route between Britain and Australia, through the Suez Canal, took 48
days whereas via the Pacific Ocean it took 45 days (Bach 1976: 148). Companies were
formed to service this route however they failed and the permanent domination of the Suez
route was established.
The trade between Asia and Australia has been discussed earlier in this chapter and it can
be stated that the mail service between Europe and Australia through Asia greatly
increased trade opportunities. On a very practical level mail subsidies allowed companies
to spread into new areas and maintain trade services.
The Australian steam trade in the 1890s and the Eastern and Australian Steamship
Company. By the 1890s, the period in which the Australian came into service, steam was
controlling much of the inter-state freight and a substantial degree of the international
freight. In 1890 the world shipping market controlled by steam was a significant 60.7%.
However this was a peak year for steam (Bach 1976: 142). Bach also notes that in the
colonies by this time there was a general expansion and diversification of export goods,
such as the introduction of metal exports (for example tin, silver and lead), which joined
the already established gold export market (Bach 1976: 136).
This period also saw a greater degree of competition between rival steam companies.
Parsons describes the 1890s as a period of ‘hectic expansion’ (Parsons 1981: 6). A
passenger freight war had developed between companies over the more popular routes, for
example Melbourne to Sydney. There was also the emergence of a number of competitive
shipping companies, some formed by the amalgamation of originally independent smaller
companies. The major players in Australian costal shipping at this time were the Adelaide
Steamship Company, the Melbourne Steamship Company and the Australian United Steam
Navigation (Bach 1976: 189). Competition from foreign companies was also developing,
with German and French companies taking portions of the market (Bach 1976: 146).
The sheer number of steamships working the rivers and coastlines indicates that, in some
respects, this was a boom period for steamship trade both in Australia and the world.
However, there were a number of problems, not the least being conflict with attempts to
create overseeing bodies and committees. For example the issue of subsidies for mail
services led to a heated debate. Some parties argued that mail subsidies, of the kind
awarded to E&A by Queensland and then South Australia, supported inefficient
companies, and consequently took work from better performing competitors (Bach 1976:
145).
In addition to regulation concerns, there were economic concerns. There was an overall
slump in international trade volumes between 1873-1898 (Bach 1976: 142). In turn there
was an imbalance between available tonnage and goods that needed to be transported. In
addition despite the diversity of goods being exported from the colonies, there remained a
significant imbalance between the export market compared to the larger import market
DAVID STEINBERG
34
(Lewis 1973: 390). With regard to this latter problem the colonies needed high value
export goods to balance the market and reduce the cost of shipping generally. One such
market was frozen meat and dairy products.
The frozen food market included mutton, lamb, fruit and dairy products (Bach 1976: 177).
These goods reached Britain from the east coast of Australia, through the Torres Strait to
connecting services in Asia (Lewis 1973: 93). By 1896 more than 100 ships, including the
Australian, were equipped to deal with the frozen food trade (Bach 1976: 177). The E&A
had been established in trade with Asia since 1873 and so had the advantage of experience
and established connections. By 1910 Australia was earning 11% of its export income from
shipping frozen and chilled foods (Blainey 1966: 276). This market increased the
importance of these mail steamers as their ability to move cargo quickly and efficiently
was paramount.
2.6 A review of previous site visitation
Salvage and other activity (1906-1908). Following the initial stranding event a series of
salvage operations were conducted (see Section 2.4). In summary the salvage consisted of
the eventual removal of most of the internal fittings and non-perished cargo and the
removal of some heavier machinery (unspecified) prior to a failed refloating procedure.
The wreck no longer retains any substantial portion of its superstructure. The engine and
much of the other secondary machinery remains on the site, suggesting that the initial
salvors either decided against its removal or could not remove it. The winch located in the
stern, once used for the rear cargo hatchway, was used during these salvage operations. It
was repositioned on the deck and used to haul rescued goods. With the collapse of the aft
deck following this salvage, the winch now lies on the seafloor. It is unclear what
happened to the white lady Figurehead. It may have been removed with other fittings
during this initial salvage work, removed later, or perished over time.
In an attempt to refloat the vessel the breaches in the hull were corked and pumps worked
the bilge and cargo holds. The refloating attempts brought about a shift of the ship from its
original stranded position to lying with the bow facing in a N-NW direction. The
remaining wreck still retains this alignment. Buried sections of the lower hull may contain
evidence of the breaches and repairs that followed. In 1911 the wreck changed ownership
to a A.H. Albert (NTT&G 24 February 1911). It is unknown what work this new owner
conducted nor who were following owners over the years.
Salvage during the 1970s. Salvage operations on the wreck of the Australian were
conducted on a number of occasions during the 1970s. This was recalled by George Tyres
in an interview with the author in April 1998. Whilst George Tyres did not work the site
personally, he is familiar with the site and is a prominent Figure in marine salvage within
the Northern Territory. John Chadderton, now living in Western Australia, was contacted
in April 1998, by the author, and shared his experiences on working the site. It should be
understood that there is no reason to conclude that this account constitutes the complete
history of salvage since the initial 1906-8 work.
Mr Chadderton explained that he and Harry Baxter, now deceased, worked the site a
number of times to remove the copper alloy material for scrap metal sale. Mr Chadderton
claimed that at the time he was under the presumption that the ship was carrying a cargo of
copper and lead. Despite this mistake the wreck was still rich in copper alloy material.
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The salvors decided to remove the condenser of the engine, a section of machinery made of
copper. A section of the port hull wall had collapsed to starboard over the engine, covering
it. The salvors used explosives to destroy the collapsed hull and separate the condenser
from the engine. In the process the engine was split, the low pressure cylinder breaking
away. The salvors tied the copper piping of the condenser into a bundle with the intention
of raising it. However due to poor weather conditions the bundle was not raised, and
remains on the site to this day. Mr Chadderton did sell the condenser itself for scrap metal,
according to him receiving $3.83 a kilo (1975). Mr Chadderton also claims that at the time
of his visit brass lanterns were visible across the site. These are no longer visible on the site
and their present location can only be speculated upon.
It is not known who removed the bronze propeller.
Operation Raleigh (1990). Operation Raleigh is a British-based organisation that runs
volunteer work projects around the world. In 1990 Operation Raleigh, in conjunction with
the then Conservation Commission of the Northern Territory, visited the Australian. (The
Conservation Commission is currently titled the Parks and Wildlife Commission.)
The aim of this visit was to conduct a survey of the remains (Fig. 6.). The group was made
up of 14 divers and 4 additional support staff. The team visited the site for approximately
10 days. The original survey strategy was to lay out a grid system over the site. Due to time
constraints and the strong current this approach was abandoned. The revised strategy
involved focusing on three sections, the bow, mid-section and the stern, conducting a
survey using tape measures.
Fig. 6. Operational Raleigh site sketch. 1990
The cross section view accurately indicates the list to starboard of the bow and stern
section. Accompanying the survey results was a description of the biology of the site by
participant Steve Congreve. Mr Congreve’s report is filed at the MAGNT.
DAVID STEINBERG
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Following the survey work the team attached a buoy to the site. The buoy was inscribed
‘Op Raleigh, SS Australian, CCNT’ (Conservation Commission of the Northern Territory).
The buoy is no longer on the wreck, likely removed from its mooring by natural forces.
Regional survey of northern Cobourg Peninsula - MAGNT (1995). In 1995 the MAGNT
conducted an archaeological survey at Cobourg Peninsula. The survey involved the further
investigation of known submerged and land sites and the search for unlocated sites. The
search was conducted within designated areas, based on historical information and local
knowledge.
The team consisted of MAGNT archaeologists Paul Clark and Cos Coroneos, and
volunteers including archaeologists Silvano Jung and Mark Staniforth and magnetometer
expert Bob Ramsey.
The team conducted a brief survey of the Australian (Fig. 7). The site sketch records the
distinctive clipper bow. The capstan and bollards located at the bow are also indicated. The
site plan shows that there was a stack of cut timbers forward of the stern section. This is no
longer visible. The survey report is filed at the MAGNT and titled ‘Survey of the Maritime
Cultural Resource of the Northern Cobourg Peninsula’ (Coroneos 1996).
Fig. 7. MAGNT site sketch, 1995.
Site inspection MAGNT (1997). In November 1997 the MAGNT, in conjunction with the
NT Parks and Wildlife Commission, visited the site for a period of 10 days. The team
consisted of archaeologist David Steinberg, steamship expert John Riley and the rangers of
Black Point ranger station, Cobourg Peninsula. The aim of the visit was to conduct a nondisturbance
survey and develop sufficient understanding of the site to create a management
plan.
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CHAPTER 3: THE DESIGN OF THE AUSTRALIAN STEAMSHIP
3.1 Introduction
In order to understand the archaeology of this site and appreciate its significance, it is
necessary to understand the Australian within the context of its design. This chapter is an
overview of the ship’s design, highlighting features which are indicative of the ships
function and of the period in which it was built.
3.2 Overview
The Australian was designed as a seagoing passenger and cargo steamship (Fig. 8). Its
gross tonnage of 2838 tons signifies that, in comparison to other seagoing steamships of
this period, it was a middle sized ocean-going steamship. Its cargo facilities included
chilled compartments for frozen goods. The hull was constructed of steel, a material lighter
and stronger than iron. Powered by a triple expansion engine and coal burning steel twin
double-ended boilers the steamship had a registered speed of 15 knots. The single screw
steamer could also be rigged as a schooner, the Captain taking advantage of sail assistance
propulsion in favourable conditions. The design of the ship was not altered over the course
of its working life.
The Australian could accommodate 100 first and second class passengers, with further
unspecified accommodation for steerage class. The local Palmerston press described the
ship as being ‘beautifully furnished’, equipped with electric lighting throughout, as opposed
to only the essential areas being provided for (NTT&G 31 July 1896). The Australian was
also designed with a distinctive clipper bow, a Figurehead of a white lady and a prominent
bowsprit. When fully rigged the Australian would have certainly appeared more the
graceful clipper than the steamer workhorse.
Fig. 8. The Australian. (Nichols Collection, State Library of NSW)
3.3 Sails and rigging
The Australian was a two masted fore and aft schooner. Fore and aft sails run with the line
of the ship, yet can be adjusted to respond to wind direction. Photographic evidence (Fig.
and ship plans (Fig. 9) show that the Australian did not have a square topsail, an
additional sail which gave further power by increasing the overall area of sail. This feature
may have been decided against because of the necessary extra rigging. Rather, the